It occurs to me that the Cultural Revolution in American universities is entering a new phase. Previously, the demands were for the resignation of administrators and professors who were insufficiently self-flagellating and compliant. Now the focus has turned to getting rid of fellow students who are not enthusiastic enough or ethnic enough or supportive enough or apologetic enough to please the protesters drunk on their own power.
At the Dartmouth library about 150 people (some students, some perhaps outside activists?) are reported to have gone through the building cursing, shoving, and shouting racial epithets at white students who were studying there.
If you wonder what I mean by “cursing” and “racial epithets,” here’s a sample:
“F*** you, you filthy white f***s!”
“F*** you and your comfort!”
Not all the protesters were participating in the worst behavior. But the students among them who did should, of course, be expelled and charged with assault in cases where it got physical. Any bets on whether that will happen? According to reports here and here, nothing is likely to be done.
Is it not ironic and ominous that at Mizzou all it took for the protests to start that resulted in the administrator resignations were a couple of allegations of the use of the n-word (one completely undocumented and involving people who may not have been students, the other more credible but involving a drunk), whereas at Dartmouth there were many students committing documented offenses (cellphone videos) involving racist speech and some reported physical assaults, and yet it appears nothing will be done to punish the perpetrators?
Meanwhile, at the University of Kansas, protestors are demanding that three white student body leaders resign for not “standing in solidarity with their black peers.” I guess they didn’t sing the Internationale loudly enough.
The three tried to correct that error:
The three leaders released a statement Saturday, according to AP, saying they planned to go on serving and support minority groups. “Black lives matter. Black lives matter at the University of Kansas,” the three leaders reportedly wrote.
We’ll see if that placates the mob.
By the way, when this sort of thing began at Mizzou, I referenced Allan Bloom’s book The Closing of the American Mind. One of the things the movement did at Cornell when Bloom was there (an event he describes at length in his book) was to turn against and threaten a black student who didn’t get with the protest program. The story bears repeating [emphasis mine]:
In the following excerpt Bloom is describing an incident that occurred when he was a faculty member at Cornell during the late 60s, when black militants with guns occupied a campus building and made demands. Bloom had gone to the university provost to speak up for a black student of his (unnamed in the book, but actually Alan Keyes—who happens, in a strange twist of fate, to have been the person Barack Obama soundly defeated in his 2004 US Senate race, when Keyes was put on the Republican ballot as a hasty substitute for Jack Ryan). Keyes had earlier been threatened by a black professor at Cornell for refusing to take part in a demonstration. Here’s what Bloom says transpired:
The provost was a former natural scientist, and he greeted me with a mournful countenance. He, of course, fully sympathized with the young man’s [Keyes’] plight. However, things were bad, and there was nothing he could do to stop such behavior in the black student association…He added that no university in the country could expel radical black students, or dismiss the faculty members who incited them, presumably because the students at large would not permit it.
…The provost had a mixture of cowardice and moralism not uncommon at the time. He did not want trouble…At the same time the provost thought he was engaged in a great moral work, righting the historic injustice done to blacks. He could justify to himself the humiliation he was undergoing as a necessary sacrifice. The case of this particular black student clearly bothered him. But he was both more frightened of the violence-threatening extremists and also more admiring of them. Obvious questions were no longer obvious. Why could not a black student be expelled as a white student would be if he failed his courses or disobeyed the rules that make university community possible? Why could the president not call the police if order was threatened? Any man of weight would have fired the professor who threatened the life of the student. The issue was not complicated. Only the casuistry of weakness and ideology made it so…No one who knew or cared about what a university is would have acquiesced in this travesty. It was no surprise that a few weeks later—immediately after the faculty had voted overwhelmingly under the gun to capitulate to outrageous demands that it had a few days earlier rejected—the leading members of the administration and many well-known faculty members rushed over to congratulate the gathered students and tried to win their approval. I saw exposed before all the world what had long been known, and it was at last possible without impropriety to tell these pseudo-universitarians precisely what one thought of them.
Well, at least this time the protesters don’t have guns. Yet.
[NOTE: Victor Davis Hanson weighs in.]